Basic principles of providing information from the government to citizens buy a compare and contrast essay through the media.
Revolutionary fever, along with the inability to be realized in Ukrainian publications, led to Franko’s transition to a Polish progressive newspaper "Work"… Because the Polish press had far more privileges and freedoms in expressing the widest range of opinions, and was much less persecuted by censorship, Franco gave free rein to new trends in his journalistic muse. "What do we want?" "Science and its population wobec class of workers" and other articles were imbued with the spirit of Marxism.
The Marxist understanding of the subject of the intelligentsia takes the form familiar to socialists "denial of the old"… Describing later in the article "From the last decades of the XIX century. " the state of public opinion in Galicia and the activities of the Galician intelligentsia of both camps in the 70’s, Franco wrote directly: "The distance of the intelligentsia from the people, their lives and interests was complete. At the same time, the Ukrainianness of the populists, as well as the Muscovites of the Muscovites, were purely theoretical. Neither the basics of constitutional life, nor the alphabet of economic and social science, no one tried to explain to the people … In Galicia, it was time to see that the prevailing type "ruthenium"… " "Public friend" went on a bold attack on Muscovites and populists, debunking their ideological principles, inaction, collaboration, loyalty to the imperial government and more.
One of the most prominent published in "Public friends" journalistic works was an article "Critical letters about the Galician intelligentsia" Frank. Here he smashed both camps, according to him, "clerical-all-Russian and liberal-popular"… Franco describes both parties as having their own "liberalism, or rather bourgeois instincts"… The birth of this Galician liberalism, the Galician bourgeois intelligentsia, took place in 1848, during an economic and political coup. "In the coup of 1848 we must look for the sources of our liberalism"…
Franco branded the bourgeoisie completely regardless of the fact that it helped to preserve and partially revive Ukrainian culture, and it was the bourgeois and clerical intelligentsia that created all the preconditions for the emergence of this new generation, which hit Marxism so desperately. "The Galician bourgeoisie, represented by its two parties, was by its social nature and class tendencies the same connection of the bourgeoisie to the image and likeness of Western Europe, " – declares Franco, and notes that the only originality of the bourgeois intelligentsia of Galicia, due to the uniqueness of the revolution of 1848 in Austria, which "she looked more like a parody of the revolution than the revolution itself" was that she proved even more indecisive, conservative, compromising, and petty-selfish than the Western European bourgeois intelligentsia. "Our intelligentsia, unfortunately, clung precisely to the national question, and the economic questions caused by 1848 were left completely aside, or tried to turn them to the benefit of themselves and not the people."…
Due to the desire to "independence" populists and "reunion" Muscovites – a narrow range of activities of the intelligentsia, its complete isolation from the living reality, from the needs of the people, scant cultural results, so in fact – the lack of the main functions inherent in the true intelligentsia. "Whether one party has the upper hand or the other is of no use to the people, " – sums up Franco.
The spirit of debunking and exposing both wings of the Galician intelligentsia permeated the works of art placed in "Public friends" "Call" and "Hammers"… instead "Public friend" offered the following activities for the intelligentsia of a new type: a careful study of the socio-economic life of the people and the raising of their consciousness through the promotion of European science, the concept of which was invested in scientific criticism of the capitalist system and socialism. Thus, according to Marx’s theories, "Public friend" put the very class struggle on "working class" while the intelligentsia was to shake bourgeois society and instill in the minds of the common people an understanding of socialism.
The program of the intelligentsia among the people was not very clear and not very clear in the magazine, it was reduced to education and science (strangely returning to the populist slogans), the magazine did not indicate any specific ways of working of the advanced intelligentsia among the workers. "Public friend" gave the ideal of an intellectual fighter, full of faith in the future socialist system and boundless devotion to the people and the idea.
Does it make sense to say that socialism Franco and his comrades began to propagate in Galicia in advance, and it was too reckless to talk about it as a definite thing that is sure to happen? Unlike industrial Germany and the large, poorly bonded Russian Empire of Galicia, the raw material appendage of Austria-Hungary, a loyal and submissive province, the whole "working class" which was exhausted by several thousand Ripniks in Boryslav and Drohobych (which Franco so persistently described in his prose works), and the peasantry was inclined to believe in the image "good emperor" had no preconditions for the rooting and growth of the socialist revolution.
Galician Ruthenians have not yet realized themselves as a nation, especially – to understand their kinship with sub-Russian Ukrainians, and to raise the people, who do not realize themselves as a people, to fight … Unfortunately, Franco pursued these ghosts to old age, then moving away from Ukrainian idea, then suddenly becoming an ardent supporter of it, then praising the Russians as "will coming from the East" then taking a pro-European position. And just before his death, lying in Russian-occupied Lviv, he finally realized the falsity of his youthful impulses. However, there may be doubts about this.
We can say that "Public friend" "Bell" and "Hammer" achieved significant results in attracting radical or anarchist youth to the socialist idea. But seeing that any attempt to publish in such a way would be persecuted by the authorities, Franco focused his efforts on a much more valuable and necessary for the Ukrainian people activities.
Malyarenko LL Ivan Franko – editor. – Lviv, 1970. Day OI Revolutionary-democratic press in Ukraine. – Kyiv, 1959. Ivan Franko: articles and materials // "Ukrainian literary criticism" No. 11. – Lviv 1970. Ivan Franko in the memoirs of contemporaries. – Lviv, 1956. Franko I. Literary-critical articles. – Kyiv, 1950. Dmytruk V. Essay on the history of Ukrainian journalism of the XIX century. – Lviv, 1968. Yevshan M. Criticism, literary criticism, aesthetics. – Kyiv, 1998. Memoirs of Ivan Franko. – Kyiv, 1981. Yefremov SO History of Ukrainian literature. – Kyiv, 1995. Kononenko PP Ukrainian literature. Development problems. – Kyiv, 1994.
Conflict of interests between the government and the media. Abstract
Basic principles of providing information from the government to citizens through the media. Legal aspects of government regulation of the media. Features of state information protection. Problems of access to confidential information
Component of the right of citizens to information guaranteed by Art. 34 of the Constitution of Ukraine and Art. 10 of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms of 1950, has the right to receive timely, complete and unbiased information on the activities of public authorities and local governments. At the same time, the situation with the realization of the individual’s right to information in Ukraine is characterized as threatening, including due to the lack of a mechanism to ensure free access of citizens to information about government agencies and the establishment of unjustified restrictions in this area.
Information is the air of democracy. Only a knowledgeable society can control the activities of the government to force it to serve the public interest. Conversely, bad government needs secrecy to bury its own inefficiencies, waste and corruption. Therefore, the openness of the government, the disclosure of information about what exactly and how it is classified, is always a topical political issue, a litmus test, which indicates its real intentions and plans. No less important is the organization of secret information by the authorities and the control of the relevant procedures.
Ukraine has inherited the heavy burden of a totalitarian past, when for decades virtually all state activity was classified, and attempts to obtain information and disseminate it were treated as anti-state activities and were closely monitored by the KGB. However, the Soviet government hid its crimes, the collapse of the economy, its own income, benefits and privileges, and so on. And getting rid of this sad legacy is quite difficult, because recurrences of the past during the years of independence have become too frequent.
Today we can talk about such a phenomenon as the conflict of interests of the government and the media. The government, in most cases, tries to hide the negative manifestations of their activities and therefore the dissemination of information that has negatively affected their reputation, etc. is extremely undesirable for them. The government’s interests in disseminating information are diametrically opposed to the wishes of the independent media.
1. Basic principles of providing information from the government to citizens through the media
International law has developed a number of principles to determine whether domestic law actually provides access to information. Two principles should be mentioned here.
The first is the principle of maximum disclosure: all information held by public authorities is subject to disclosure, with exceptions only for a very limited number of cases.
The second principle characterizes the requirements for restrictions:
a) exceptions should be clear, b) be narrowly described, c) be subject to strict control over the presence of "damage" and impact on "public interests"…
Namely: the refusal of a state body to disclose information is justified if:
firstly, the information is relevant to the legitimate aim provided by law, secondly, its disclosure must really threaten to cause significant damage to the legitimate aim, and thirdly, the damage that may be caused to the purpose must be more significant than public interest in obtaining information.
It clearly follows from these principles that the list of information included in the range of restrictions must be comprehensively defined and made public.